CHAPTER XXXVIII. the administrations of mckinley and roosevelt, 1897 - 1909. THE BEGINNING OF McKINLEY'S ADMINISTRATION.

656. Character of the Administration.—McKinley soon proved himself to possess great tact as an executive. Some of his Cabinet appointments were not good, and he showed weakness in his attitude toward Civil Service reform; but as time went on his courtesy and amiability won him many friends, even among his political opponents. His administration was strong through the presence of a Republican majority in both houses of Congress, and important tariff and other legislation was made possible. But before long domestic affairs were overshadowed by issues growing out of the war with Spain and the acquisition of outlying territories.

657. Modification of the Tariff.—Two days after McKinley’s inauguration he summoned an extra session of Congress, and in his message called attention to the fact that for some years the expenditures of the government had exceeded the income, and that the tariff should be so modified as to remedy this deficiency. A tariff bill was soon presented by Representative Dingley, Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the House, and was duly passed. It increased duties markedly, but to a less extent than the McKinley Bill. For many months the Dingley Bill failed to furnish the needed additional revenue, and to supply the deficiency, the bill was supplemented by an additional tax on beer and a few other articles. The questions with regard to the currency and to banking which the party platform had promised to settle were reserved for later Congressional action.

THE WAR WITH SPAIN.

658. Early Spanish Difficulties in Cuba.—Spanish rule in the West Indies had, ever since the discovery of America, been characterized by rapacity and cruelty. Revolts were never uncommon; but outbreaks were particularly frequent during the latter part of the nineteenth century. As many as eight organized efforts to throw off the Spanish yoke occurred between 1823 and the “Ten Years’ War,” which desolated Cuba from 1868 to 1878. Instead of taking a lesson from experience, and improving the condition of affairs, the Spanish authorities doubled the discontent by the imposition of taxes designed to reimburse the mother country for the cost of the long war. The result was a rapid reorganization of the Cuban forces and a fresh outbreak of revolt in 1895.

659. Later Policy of Spain.—The Spanish government now adopted a harsher policy than ever. Captain-General Campos was thought to be too lenient, and he was replaced by General Weyler, who had gained notoriety for harshness as Governor-General of the Philippines. The new governor took hold of his work in Cuba with brutal energy. His policy was simply to starve the people into submission. With a large army he overran the island, burning houses and crops and driving the women and children into villages and pens, called “trochas,” where their numbers were rapidly reduced by starvation. President Cleveland attempted to intercede in behalf of the Cubans, but his approaches were repelled by the government at Madrid as an unwarranted interference, and nothing was accomplished.

660. Sympathies of Americans.—As the Cuban situation came to be more thoroughly understood in the United States, public opinion was outraged and finally raised to a high pitch of indignation. Money and supplies were privately sent to assist the insurgents, and the United States government was obliged to police its ports in order to preserve the international obligations of neutrality. The temper of the country and the representations of our government soon convinced Spain that concessions must be made or immediate war was inevitable. Weyler was removed and a promise of some measure of self-government was given. Notwithstanding these assurances, however, there was little public faith in Spanish promises, and no plain evidence of improvement followed.

661. Destruction of the “Maine.”—Such being the state of affairs, war was rendered almost inevitable by a disastrous event that took place on the 15th of February, 1898. The United States battleship Maine was anchored in the harbor of Havana. Late in the evening, after most of the crew had gone to their hammocks, a terrific explosion occurred, which destroyed not only the ship, but also the lives of two hundred and sixty-six of the officers and crew. The horror of the disaster thrilled the civilized world. A court consisting of naval officers was appointed by the President to investigate the matter and report. They employed divers, as well as other experts, and reported that all the evidence tended to show that a mine beneath the keel had exploded first and that the concussion had an instant later exploded two of the magazines of the vessel. A Spanish court denied the correctness of the American report. There was no evidence whatever that any mine had been exploded with the knowledge of the Spanish authorities, and the captain-general and other officials disavowed all knowledge of the cause of the disaster. The government at Madrid, moreover, made haste to express its regrets and sympathy.

662. Outburst of Public Sentiment.—When the report of the investigation was made public, the people of the United States, stimulated by the pulpit and the press, seemed to take the matter into their own hands. Flags suddenly flew out from public buildings and schoolhouses in all parts of the land. In theaters and cafÉs audiences cheered and sprang to their feet whenever the flag was displayed or the “Star Spangled Banner” was sung. The nation throbbed with an indignant enthusiasm. “Remember the Maine” was printed and shouted everywhere. No such outburst of public feeling had been seen since 1861; nor was it confined to any one section of the country. The South was not behind the North and West in demanding prompt action.

663. Action of Congress and of the President.—Members of Congress, especially of the House of Representatives, were the first to feel the significance of the public demand, and they proceeded at once to urge decisive action upon the President. President McKinley used the resources of diplomacy to induce the Spanish government to withdraw from the island. They made promises not fully credited or published,^[295] and on the 8th of March, 1898, the President requested from Congress an appropriation of fifty million dollars for national defense. The appropriation was made without a dissenting vote. With this sum coast fortifications were strengthened, vessels and naval supplies were purchased in various parts of the world, and a number of fast vessels were leased to form an auxiliary fleet. On the 11th of April the President sent a special message to Congress, in which he recited the practices of the Spanish government in Cuba, and referred to the destruction of the Maine as evidence of Spanish inability to restrain lawlessness and misrule. His conclusion was, that forcible interference would now be justified. Congress immediately responded, and on the 19th of April, the anniversary of the battles of Lexington and Concord, adopted resolutions declaring that Cuba ought to be independent. This was practically a declaration of war.^[296]

664. Delay in the Opening of the War.—The opening of the war on land was delayed by the fact that the regular army was small, and the fighting force had to be made up largely of volunteers. During April and May the President called for two hundred thousand men. The regular army was also increased from twenty-seven thousand to sixty-two thousand. Besides these, there were enlisted ten thousand immunes, or men who had already had yellow fever, thirty-five hundred engineers, and three thousand special cavalrymen, known as “Rough Riders,” consisting largely of “cow-boys” and such others as had had experience in daring horsemanship.

665. General Character of the War.—The war was a short one. In advance it was popularly supposed that the Spanish navy was somewhat stronger than the American. Accordingly, there was not a little fear on the part of the cities along the Northern coast. But as soon as hostilities began it was found that the Spanish service was honeycombed with inefficiency and corruption. On their war vessels nothing seemed to be in good fighting order. Beyond the fact that the army was equipped with Mauser rifles and smokeless powder, nothing in the Spanish service seemed what it should be for the vigorous prosecution of war. The consequence was, that on land and on sea the American forces found victory comparatively easy.

666. The First Great Victory.—At the outbreak of the war the American Asiatic fleet, in command of Commodore George Dewey,^[297] was stationed at Hong Kong. Under international rules Dewey was obliged to withdraw from that neutral port within eight days. He received orders from the President to proceed to the Spanish archipelago of the Philippines and capture or destroy the Spanish fleet. Dewey found the fleet in Manila Bay, at daybreak of May 1, 1898, and opened fire at once. The result was a victory almost unique in naval warfare. The Americans’ fire was terribly effective. It is said that a single shot which exploded in the Spanish flag-ship, struck down the captain and sixty men. The Spaniards fought with great bravery, but finally lost ten war vessels and a transport. On the American side not a man was killed and only eight were slightly wounded.

667. The Investment of Santiago.—On the day after the declaration of war, the President ordered the fleet at Key West to sail at once to blockade the coast of Cuba. Preparations for invasion were made with all possible rapidity; but it was not until the 22d of June that the advance, under Major General William R. Shafter,^[298] landed for an attack upon Santiago, the principal city in the eastern part of the island. On the 23d, a forward movement was made by the First and Tenth Cavalry, and by the First United States Volunteer Cavalry, commonly known as the “Rough Riders,” under Colonel Leonard Wood and Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. The lines were rapidly extended toward the north and west. On July 1, a severe battle took place and the outworks of the city were reached. El Caney and San Juan Hill were taken by storm, after desperate charges and heavy losses. The investment of the city was then practically complete.

668. Admiral Cervera’s Movement.—Before the outbreak of the war, a Spanish squadron under Admiral Cervera assembled at the Cape Verde Islands, and in April sailed for the Caribbean Sea. Its destination was for some days in doubt, and an attack on the New England coast was feared; but on the 19th of May it secretly entered the harbor of Santiago de Cuba. The North Atlantic Squadron, under Commodore William T. Sampson,^[299] was searching for the enemy, and soon discovered his hiding place.^[300] In order to prevent the Spanish army and navy from concentrating their forces at Santiago, attacks had been made on several cities on the coast of Cuba; but these had produced no important results. To prevent Cervera’s escape, Lieutenant R. P. Hobson, with seven volunteers, attempted, early in the morning of the 3d of June, by sinking the coaling ship Merrimac under the guns of the forts, to block the narrow passage in the mouth of Santiago harbor. Though this exploit did not accomplish what was hoped for, owing to the fact that the rudder of the Merrimac was shot away, it was perhaps the most gallant and daring single exploit of the war. The members of the party were showered with shot, but received no serious wounds, and all were picked up by the Spaniards, Hobson being helped into the launch by Admiral Cervera himself.

669. The Decisive Engagement of the War.—The Spanish government saw clearly that Cervera must either escape from the harbor of Santiago, or be taken prisoner with all his ships. Accordingly, the admiral was ordered to leave the harbor on the first practicable opportunity. He chose the morning of Sunday, July 3. The resulting battle was as remarkable as the battle of Manila.^[301] In less than three hours all the Spanish ships, besides the torpedo boats, were either destroyed or run ashore. The Spanish admiral and thirteen hundred of his men were taken prisoners, while about six hundred were either killed or drowned. On the American side but one man was killed and one man wounded. The capitulation of Santiago and the entire eastern end of Cuba followed, the Spaniards surrendering twenty-three thousand men,—a force considerably larger than that of the besieging army. The work of the navy was generally conceded to have been admirable; but the conduct of the campaign on land was harshly criticised in many quarters.

670. Concluding Scenes of the War.—General Nelson A. Miles,^[302] with a force of about seventeen thousand men, landed on the island of Porto Rico (July 28), as soon as it became known that his troops would not be needed at Santiago. The Porto Ricans offered very slight resistance, and before the middle of August the island was in the possession of the Americans. Manila, the capital city of the Philippine Islands, was also assaulted by the land and naval forces, and after a brief resistance surrendered unconditionally, on the 13th of August. In every engagement of the war, the American soldiers and sailors behaved with great gallantry. But the management of affairs by the War Department was, to say the least, unfortunate in many respects. There was great confusion in the matter of furnishing the troops with supplies, and the quality of the food provided was in some instances so bad that influential officers had to remonstrate against a condition of affairs that demoralized the soldiers and exposed them to disease. Even in camps situated within the United States, sickness and disorder were common; and so loud an outcry was raised against official mismanagement that the President appointed a commission to investigate the matter. The commission, in its report, was unexpectedly, and many thought unduly, favorable to the War Department.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE WAR.

671. The Treaty of Peace.—On the 26th of July, the Spanish government made overtures for peace. After various delays, a preliminary agreement, or protocol, was signed, August 12. President McKinley at once issued a proclamation, suspending hostilities. It was agreed: (1) that Spain should withdraw its troops from Cuba and renounce its authority over that island; (2) that it should cede the island of Porto Rico to the United States; (3) that it should transfer to the United States one of the Caroline Islands; and (4) that the future of the Philippine Islands should be determined by a joint commission of the two powers appointed to arrange the details of the treaty. According to the provisions of this protocol, the joint commission met in Paris, on the 1st of October, 1898, and, after long discussion of different points, signed the final treaty on the 10th of December, 1898. This was ratified by the United States on the 6th of February, and by Spain on the 17th of March, 1899. By the terms of the treaty, the United States assumed a protectorate over Cuba; came into complete possession of Porto Rico; received all right and title to the Philippine Islands, in consideration of twenty million dollars; and received the island of Guam in the Ladrones Islands.

672. The Annexation of Hawaii.—In the summer of 1898 it became apparent to the government that certain naval advantages would be derived from the annexation of Hawaii. The long passage from San Francisco to the Philippine Islands called for an intermediate station for coal and other naval stores. Accordingly, on the recommendation of the President and as a military measure, Congress acceded to the wishes of the Hawaiian government, and annexed the islands by means of a resolution, as had been done in the case of Texas.

673. Revolt in the Philippines.—Before the outbreak of the Spanish War, the inhabitants of the Philippines, like those of Cuba, had been in a chaotic state of discontent. Uprisings against the Spanish government had been frequent, but these had generally been put down with great severity. A struggle for independence had been going on just before the Spanish-American war broke out; but the leader, Aguinaldo, had given up the task, in consideration of a large sum of money, and had gone to Hong Kong. Imagining that American success would result in the freedom of the Philippines, he returned to Manila on the American fleet and coÖperated, with his followers, in the operations against Manila. Soon after peace was assured between the United States and Spain, he raised the standard of independence, in consequence of disappointment at the transfer of the Philippines to the United States and of the terms used by President McKinley in a proclamation issued to the inhabitants of the islands. As might have been expected from the fact that the opposing lines of forces were stationed close to one another, hostilities were not long avoided. Aguinaldo’s extemporized government and authority were in the main limited to the island of Luzon, and his chief reliance was upon the single tribe of the Tagals. The natives were never able to resist successfully the advances of the American troops, but they had possession of a large number of towns and villages, and these had to be taken, often at the point of the bayonet. Hostilities were protracted by the rainy season, and by the fact that the Filipinos were divided into many inaccessible bands. No battle of any great importance was fought; but it was not until the spring of 1900 that the revolt dwindled into guerrilla warfare. A year later (March, 1901), Aguinaldo was captured through stratagems devised by General Frederick Funston. The Filipino chieftain then issued a manifesto, urging submission to American authority.

674. Pacification of the Philippines.—His advice was largely followed, and the Philippine Commission, under the presidency of Judge William H. Taft of Ohio, was soon able to report great progress in pacification. Many hundreds of American school teachers were sent to the islands, and American energy was at once shown in improving sanitary conditions and in exploiting natural resources. But spasmodic fighting has not ceased, and it is believed by many persons that the Filipinos are far from really pacified. This is probably more true of outlying islands like Samar, where a small detachment of troops was almost exterminated, than of Luzon, the center of administration. The authorities at Washington have expressed their determination to put an end to every form of barbarism existing in the Philippines, and, owing to charges of cruel conduct that have been brought against American officers and troops, have instituted courts-martial for the purpose of trying officers and soldiers charged with countenancing or inflicting unusual punishments, such as the mode of torture known as the “water cure.” It seems clear that although there has been among the American troops some of that demoralization which always shows itself when war is conducted in tropical countries and against weaker races, the great mass of the American forces in the Philippines have performed their duties satisfactorily. The exact status of the islands with regard to the United States is still unsettled, and it is not certain that permanent possession of them is desired by a majority of the American people.

675. Opposition to the War.—It should not be supposed that the course of the government in the Spanish War met with the approval of the entire people. There were not a few who more or less vigorously opposed the declaration of war in behalf of the Cuban sufferers, and the number was increased when it was seen that victory involved territorial enlargement and an increase of political responsibilities. The most active opposition had its center in Boston. The claim was made that the acquisition of new territory showed a tendency to imperialism that was not justified either by the United States Constitution or by the political principles or customs of the country. Attention was repeatedly called to the clause in the Declaration of Independence which declares that the basis of just government is the “consent of the governed.” It was further asserted that the new possessions would increase the tendencies to political corruption, and would exert an unwholesome influence on the government at home. In opposition to these views, the President, and apparently a large majority of the people, held that there was no more constitutional objection to the acquisition of insular territory than there had been to the acquisition of Louisiana, California, or Alaska. The advocates of the so-called “expansion policy,” furthermore, would not admit that added political responsibilities would increase a tendency to corrupt government, and they claimed that, in view of international tendencies, the country needed the newly acquired territory, in order to protect its interests in the far East.

676. Government of Newly Acquired Territories.—On the recommendation of the President, Congress provided territorial governments not only for Hawaii, Guam, and Porto Rico, but also for Alaska. These governments were framed with the intention of developing free institutions as rapidly as the intelligence and character of the inhabitants would admit. Cuba was temporarily put under the control of a military government, which was instituted in order to set the wheels of a competent local government in motion. The President proclaimed his purpose to turn over the government of the island to the Cubans as soon as order and a prospect of peace had been established.

THE CLOSE OF McKINLEY’S FIRST ADMINISTRATION.

677. Financial Reform.—The second Congress of McKinley’s first administration early took into consideration the vexed question of the currency, and also discussed banking laws and refunding the national debt. The legislation finally adopted, which went into effect March 14, 1900, placed the entire currency of the country on a gold basis, provided for the establishment of national banks in the smaller towns and villages, and authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to issue long-time two per cent bonds, with the income of which the shorter-time three, four, and five per cent bonds were to be called in and paid. The success of the refunding measure was a remarkable evidence of the firm basis on which the credit of the country was now established. Though the new bonds sold at par, within two months of the passage of the bill more than two hundred and sixty millions of the old bonds had been refunded at the lower rate. The significance of this success is shown by the fact that, while this process of refunding with a two per cent bond was going on, the lowest Russian bonds were bearing four per cent; the lowest French bonds, three and a half per cent; the lowest bonds of the German Empire, three per cent; and the lowest bonds of Great Britain, two and three-fourths per cent. For the first time in its history, it might fairly be claimed that the credit of the United States was the best in the world.

678. Presidential Candidates in 1900.—As the end of McKinley’s term approached, it became evident that there would be no opposition in the Republican party to his renomination. The Convention met in Philadelphia, June 19, and adopted a platform which indorsed McKinley’s policy of government in Porto Rico, in Cuba, and in Hawaii, and also advocated the retention of the Philippine Islands under conditions that would secure for them local self-government as rapidly as the condition and spirit of the people would permit. Interest was chiefly centered in the nomination of a candidate for the Vice Presidency. There were three prominent candidates, each with strong local support, in different parts of the country. But as soon as the delegates assembled, it became apparent that there was a great popular sentiment in favor of the nomination of Governor Theodore Roosevelt,^[303] of New York. He was not only not a candidate, but with great earnestness besought the delegations from the different states not to put forward his name. But he had distinguished himself by his work on the Civil Service Commission, as a police commissioner of New York City, as a brave and picturesque commander of the Rough Riders in the Spanish war, and as an honest and intelligent governor of New York, and his energetic opposition to being put forward as a candidate was of no avail. McKinley received every vote in the convention, on the first ballot; and Roosevelt, who sat in the convention, received every vote excepting his own. On the 5th of July the Democratic Convention, at Kansas City, nominated, with equal unanimity, William J. Bryan for President, and ex-Vice President Adlai Stevenson of Illinois, for Vice President. The Democratic platform was vigorous in its expressions of opposition to McKinley’s policy of expansion, promised legislation against trusts, and declared anew its advocacy of free coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen to one. The impossibility of uniting all interests in these two candidates for the Presidency was shown by the fact that ten other candidates were, in the course of the summer, put in the field by various small parties.

679. ReËlection of McKinley.—After an interesting but not exciting campaign, in which the maintenance of the financial standing of the country, rather than the approval or disapproval of the so-called “imperial” system, became the paramount question, McKinley and Roosevelt were elected over Bryan and Stevenson by the large majority of two hundred and ninety-two electoral votes to one hundred and fifty-five. McKinley’s popular majority was even greater than that received by him in 1896.

680. Foreign Affairs.—During the summer of 1900, public attention was distracted from the Philippines to China, where the Boxer uprising put foreign residents, especially missionaries, in great jeopardy. The United States joined the chief nations of Europe in sending forces to China. These troops behaved well; and in the subsequent diplomatic negotiations, President McKinley and his Secretary of State, John Hay, won much praise for their moderate and statesmanlike course of action. The latter gained great credit also for his efforts to secure an agreement between Great Britain and the United States with regard to the control of any interoceanic canal that might be undertaken in Central America. The treaty, as modified by the Senate, was rejected by Great Britain; but after concessions on both sides, a new Hay-Pauncefote treaty was finally ratified (December 16, 1901), which secured to America complete control of any such canal.

681. Domestic Affairs.—Among the most important domestic events of the close of McKinley’s first term were the exclusion from Congress of the polygamist Representative Roberts of Utah; the unfortunate contest for the governorship of Kentucky, which resulted in the assassination of the Democratic contestant, Mr. Goebel; and the terrible storm which devastated the city of Galveston, Texas. The completion of the twelfth census in 1900 showed a total population of 76,303,387, and an increase of wealth and industrial power so marvelous as to promise almost incredible achievements in the near future. On February 28, 1901, an act was passed reducing the taxes that had been levied to defray the expenses of the Spanish War.

McKINLEY’S SECOND ADMINISTRATION.

682. Second Inauguration of McKinley.—President McKinley entered upon his second term of office on March 4, 1901, and retained the Cabinet as it stood at the close of his first term. His inaugural address emphasized the material prosperity of the country and the need of securing foreign markets by wise treaties of reciprocity. This liberal policy was consistently advocated by him in speeches delivered during a summer tour of the country, and especially in one made at the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, New York.

683. The Assassination of President McKinley.—Immediately after this noteworthy speech, President McKinley was taken from the nation whose affairs he was guiding with an ever steadier hand. On September 6, 1901, while he was holding a reception in the Temple of Music at the Buffalo Exposition, he was shot by an anarchist who had concealed a revolver under a handkerchief that apparently covered a wounded hand. The President bore himself with remarkable dignity and courage, both at the time of the shooting and during the eight days of suffering that followed. At first it seemed as if he would recover; but on September 14 he died, and Vice President Roosevelt at once took the oath of office as President. The whole world was profoundly shocked by the tragedy, and the manifestations of popular grief, as the body was conveyed to Washington and from there to Canton, Ohio, were extraordinary. On September 19, while the interment was taking place at Canton, all labor was suspended throughout the country. Popular indignation was naturally directed against anarchists and political agitators of all sorts; but, in the main, the people restrained themselves in a most praiseworthy manner. The trial and execution of the assassin were conducted with great promptitude and decorum.

ROOSEVELT’S ADMINISTRATION.

684. The New President and His Policies.—Upon taking office, President Roosevelt announced that he would continue the policies and retain the Cabinet of his predecessor. It was not to be expected that such a pledge would be kept to the letter, since the new Executive differed greatly from President McKinley in temperament and in training, and was soon confronted with a new combination, if not precisely a new set of problems. He was more direct and vigorous in his methods of conducting the nation’s business, more impetuous and less politic in his relations with men and in his appeals to the people for support of his measures. His honest, fearless, aggressive personality soon made him the most popular of modern Presidents and enabled him to secure a considerable amount of good legislation and to put his own stamp, not only upon the national administration, but upon the general course of politics throughout the country. He stood for an efficient civil service, clean if somewhat partisan politics, and a resolute enforcement of such laws as affected the methods of business employed by monopolies and great corporations. He soon seemed to be the representative of the interests of the many as opposed to those of the few, and, as a result, he was praised by radicals and censured by conservatives. In consequence, party lines began to be broken, and it may be that Mr. Roosevelt’s greatest service to the country will be found to lie in the personal influence he has brought to bear upon the task of wresting his own party from the control of capital, and of awakening the masses of the people to the importance of preventing the chief agencies of production and transportation from falling into the hands of monopolists. Perhaps the criticism most often urged against his administration is his failure to use his great power in support of the protests made throughout the country against the excessive protective tariff, which has fostered unfair monopolies and a corrupt use of money in politics.

685. The President’s Chief Advisers.—During his term as successor to President McKinley and throughout his term as elected President, Mr. Roosevelt’s Cabinet underwent many changes, most of which it is needless to specify. The secretaries of the various departments, to whom was added in 1903 a Secretary of Labor and Commerce, formed a competent body of advisers and administrators, but, on the whole, only three strongly impressed themselves upon the country. These were John Hay, who took charge of the Department of State under McKinley and retained it until his own death in July, 1905; Elihu Root, who continued to act as Secretary of War until February, 1904, and then, after a short interval, succeeded Mr. Hay in the Department of State; and William H. Taft, who relinquished the post of first civil governor of the Philippine Islands under American rule to become Secretary of War in place of Mr. Root. Under both secretaries of state the consular service was improved and the influence of America in international affairs was greatly strengthened, especially by Mr. Root’s visit to many of the South American states in 1906. Mr. Taft brought to his post a unique knowledge of the problems of colonial administration, and he was soon recognized by the country as a skillful administrator and a sound and sympathetic adviser of the President in all the phases of the latter’s activity.

686. The Schley Court of Inquiry.—Controversies growing out of the claims of Rear Admirals Sampson and Schley,^[304] relative to the battle of Santiago (see § 669, note), led the latter to request a Court of Inquiry, which convened at Washington in September, 1901. After lengthy proceedings, the Court, of which Admiral Dewey was president, brought in a report that partly vindicated and partly condemned Admiral Schley. The latter, whose cause had won great popular favor, appealed to President Roosevelt, but without avail.

687. Political Events of 1902.—Shortly after the accession of the new President the attention of the country was directed to the municipal campaign in Greater New York, which resulted in the victory of a reform ticket supported by Republicans and Independents over the Tammany Hall Democrats. The reform government took office on January 1, 1902, and gave the city, under Seth Low as Mayor, an effective and honest administration; but, unfortunately, it did not prove popular, and Tammany came into power again in 1904.^[305] People had been shown, however, that municipal and State reforms could be secured if voters would abandon party lines and act together for the public good, and, as a result, the past few years have witnessed much improvement in local legislation and administration throughout the country. Meanwhile, the Fifty-seventh Congress, which began its first session in December, 1901, accomplished less than was to be expected in view of the large majority possessed by the Republicans. Its comparative inactivity was mainly due to the fact that on the evacuation of Cuba by the American troops (May, 1902) and the setting up of a republican government in the island, it seemed desirable for the United States to aid the weak young country by reducing the tariff duties on Cuban sugar and tobacco. The President’s efforts to secure the needed legislation were blocked for a considerable period by the opposition of the extreme advocates of protection. It proved difficult, also, to obtain adequate legislation for the Philippines, but finally an act was passed providing for their temporary government, and the insurrection in the islands was proclaimed to be at an end. Another subject which occupied Congress was the choice of a route for the proposed interoceanic canal. The Nicaraguan route seemed to be favored, until the Panama Company offered to sell its property and rights for $40,000,000. This offer was finally accepted, and the construction of the Panama Canal authorized, provided a proper title to the route were secured (June, 1902). The Congressional elections in the autumn of 1902 left the Republicans still in control, but with a reduced majority.

688. The Anthracite Coal Strike.—Popular efforts to oppose, through the action of legislatures and courts, oppressive and illegal accumulations of capital in so-called trusts and combinations, and struggles between organized labor and capital, greatly occupied public attention throughout the year 1902. The most conspicuous event in this connection was the strike of the anthracite coal miners in Pennsylvania, which lasted from May to October and caused considerable suffering. The miners, who were led with much intelligence by Mr. John Mitchell, President of the United Mine Workers of America, were willing to submit their claims to arbitration, a fact which secured them much popular sympathy. The mine owners, whose chief spokesman was Mr. George F. Baer, President of the Philadelphia and Reading Railway Company, refused to arbitrate, and attempted to work their property with non-union miners. Rioting followed, and the militia had to be called out; but it was the rise in the price of fuel and the dread of a coal famine during the approaching winter that most alarmed the public and that finally led to a compromise. The situation seemed so threatening that President Roosevelt, acting as chief citizen but not as Executive, called a conference of representatives of the owners and the miners, and urged them for the sake of the country to arbitrate their differences. The owners at first stood out upon their rights,—which were regarded by many persons as doubtful,—but they finally yielded, and a commission of seven arbitrators was appointed by the President. The commission made its report in March, 1903, decreeing certain advances in wages, but forbidding discrimination against non-union men.^[306]

689. Events and Legislation of 1903.—During this year a treaty was concluded with Great Britain for the settlement of the dispute between Canada and the United States as to the boundary of Alaska, and a mixed commission was appointed under it, which met in London and rendered a decision almost entirely favorable to the United States. A reciprocity treaty with Newfoundland was also concluded, and, in general, the high reputation won for American diplomacy by Secretary Hay was sustained. A reciprocity treaty with Cuba designed to benefit the planters of the island was, however, defeated, and it was only after an extra session of the Senate and one of the Fifty-eighth Congress that the resistance of the protectionists was overcome, and tardy concessions were made to Cuba.^[307] Meanwhile, the Fifty-seventh Congress, before it closed, accomplished more in the way of legislation than might have been expected, in view of the bickerings to which the administration’s Cuban policy had given rise. Bills were passed, among others, which looked to the regulation of trusts, to the creation of a general staff for the army, to the increase of the navy, and to the checking of undesirable immigration. Even more important to the welfare of the country was the firm stand taken by the President in ordering the fullest investigation of gross scandals in the administration of the post office, and in other departments of governmental activity. The year was marked also by numerous important strikes,^[308] by many race riots, which were not confined to the South, and by convictions of persons accused of holding negroes in “peonage.”^[309]

690. Panama and the Canal.—In June, 1903, the Congress of the republic of Colombia rejected the treaty negotiated between the Colombian commissioner and Secretary Hay, and proposals were made to the United States, looking to Colombian sovereignty over the zone of the contemplated canal. These proposals were rejected, and in their anger at the situation thus created, the inhabitants of Panama revolted from Colombia and set up an independent republic. This was at once recognized by President Roosevelt, and a new treaty was concluded with it. Though these steps were regarded by the Colombians, and even by some Americans, as high-handed and contrary to precedent, they were extenuated by the importance of the political and commercial interests involved and by the necessity of safeguarding the United States from intrigues designed to secure a heavy payment for all concessions. Fortunately the revolution at Panama led to no serious disturbances either in its inception or in its consequences. The presence of American battleships prevented Colombia from landing troops to recover the seceded state, and the efforts made by the Colombian special envoy to induce the government at Washington to abandon Panama to its fate were fruitless. In February, 1904, the new treaty with Panama was ratified by the United States Senate. Shortly afterward a decision in a French court entirely cleared the title of the Panama Canal Company to dispose of its property and rights to the United States, and about the same time the commissioners for the construction of the canal were appointed, and preliminary work was begun.^[310]

691. Campaign of 1904.—Although the first session of the Fifty-eighth Congress was not devoid of interest or unproductive of important legislation, public attention was mainly centered throughout 1904, so far as concerned politics, upon the selection of Presidential candidates and upon the subsequent campaign. Although President Roosevelt had alienated some of the important Republican politicians and had caused himself to be dreaded by many financiers, capitalists, and business men, opposition to his nomination could not be concentrated, and the death of Senator Hanna, of Ohio, left him without a possible rival. His personal popularity throughout the entire country, the general prosperity of the people, and the inability of the Democrats to find any large, striking issue upon which to appeal to the voters, rendered the candidacy of the President very strong. On June 23 he was therefore nominated unanimously by the Republican Convention, which met at Chicago, and Senator Charles W. Fairbanks of Indiana was unanimously nominated for Vice President. The Democratic Convention met at St. Louis, and on July 9 nominated for President, on the first ballot, Judge Alton B. Parker of New York. Ex-Senator Henry G. Davis, an octogenarian of West Virginia, was nominated for Vice President. The nomination of Judge Parker,^[311] whose only serious competitor was Mr. William R. Hearst, the millionaire proprietor of several newspapers, meant that Mr. Bryan and the more radical members of the party had retired into the background in order to give the more conservative Democrats of the East and South a chance to show what they could do toward reorganizing the party and leading it to victory. The latter made it clear that they accepted the gold standard, but in the campaign that followed they received but lukewarm support from the more radical elements of the party, and Mr. Roosevelt was elected in November by the largest popular majority in our history. In the Electoral College he had three hundred and thirty-nine votes, including those of West Virginia and Missouri, against Judge Parker’s one hundred and forty; in other words, the Democrats had lost every section save the South, and had not entirely maintained themselves there. Fewer ballots, however, had been cast than was the case in 1900, a proof of apathy on the part of many citizens. In fact, the campaign of 1904 was a remarkably dull one, the only excitement occurring toward the close when charges were made regarding the raising of campaign funds. Immediately after his election, Mr. Roosevelt announced that he would not accept a renomination for President. As might have been expected from the general satisfaction of the country with Mr. Roosevelt’s administration, both houses of Congress remained strongly Republican.

692. Events of 1905: The Treaty of Portsmouth.—Early in the year the administration endeavored to effect a treaty with the disorganized republic of San Domingo by which the United States should take charge of the Dominican custom-houses and apply a considerable portion of the revenues thereof to the payment of the debts of the small republic. Much opposition was manifested in the Senate, and the calling of an extra session of that body did not secure the passage of the treaty.^[312] About the same time there was friction with Venezuela, owing to the sequestration of the lands of the American Asphalt Company. In Congress, the main subject of discussion was the regulation of railroad rates, but nothing was accomplished in the matter. In the sphere of State legislation and administration, interest was chiefly centered in the investigation into the affairs of some of the larger life insurance companies and in the attacks made upon monopolies. In the course of the inquiries conducted by the New York investigating commission it was shown, not only that there was gross waste in the management of the business of the chief insurance companies, but that they spent money to influence legislation, and made large contributions to the national parties for campaign purposes.^[313] In the war against the trusts, the special objects of attack were the Standard Oil Company and the so-called Beef Trust. In municipal politics the most interesting situation was created by the fight between Mayor Weaver of Philadelphia and the ring of Republican politicians in that city over what was generally regarded as a corrupt lease of the city gas plant. The lease was defeated, and some rather spasmodic victories were won for the cause of reform. In New York City Mayor McClellan was reËlected by a small plurality over W. R. Hearst, the Municipal Ownership candidate, who claimed that extensive frauds by Tammany deprived him of victory. On the whole, however, the most striking event of the year was the signing of the Treaty of Peace between Russia and Japan, which took place on September 5, at the Navy Yard at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. President Roosevelt, believing that the time had come for the bloody war between the two powers to cease, and feeling assured of the support of other governments, sent notes to the respective heads of the two warring powers, urging that they should open negotiations with each other. His suggestions bore fruit at once; the envoys were introduced to one another by the President, whose interest in the success of the negotiations undoubtedly contributed to the final accommodation; the treaty was signed and ratified; and the world was at peace. No other event connected with his administrations has reflected more credit upon the President or has given clearer proof of the growth of American prestige throughout the world.^[314]

693. Legislation of 1906.—The first session of the Fifty-ninth Congress was marked by great opposition to the President and his policies from members of his own party. This opposition was specially bitter over the railroad rate act, which finally, however, became a law. Questions of personal veracity were raised, and Congress failed to pass such excellent bills as that designed to relieve the inhabitants of the Philippines from heavy tariff duties on articles imported into the United States. But the President retained the confidence of the people, and secured some important legislation—in particular, the meat inspection law, which was passed in consequence of disclosures made in a popular novel concerning the bad conditions prevailing in the Chicago meat-packing establishments. A “Pure Food Law,” looking to the protection of the consumers of foods, drugs, and liquors, was also passed, as well as a bill providing for the admission of Oklahoma and Indian Territory as one state under the former name, and for the joint admission of Arizona and New Mexico on the condition that each territory should vote separately in favor of such joint admission.^[315] Other meritorious legislation was also enacted—for example, a stricter naturalization law.

694. The San Francisco Earthquake.—The most terrible catastrophe of recent years, save the Sicilian and Calabrian earthquake of 1908, took place on April 18, 1906, when a destructive earthquake occurred in California, which inflicted great damage to property and cost hundreds of lives. The chief loss fell upon San Francisco, where the earthquake was followed by a fire which could not be put out for several days. About 200,000 persons were left homeless. The magnitude of the disaster deeply impressed the rest of the country and the world, with the result that assistance was conveyed to the stricken region with great promptness and on a large scale. This sympathy was succeeded by widespread admiration for the courage and energy with which the citizens of San Francisco at once set to work to construct upon the ruins of the old a new city which in solidity and beauty should measurably realize their ideals. Unfortunately, their efforts were soon impeded by labor troubles, and the city was disgraced by grave municipal scandals.

695. Intervention in Cuba.—In August, 1906, a revolution broke out in Cuba against the Palma government, and in September President Palma requested the United States to intervene. Sincerely wishing the little republic to preserve its autonomy, President Roosevelt hesitated to send forces, but after an investigation conducted by Secretary Taft and acting Secretary of State Bacon, and after the resignation of the Cuban President and Vice President, it became clear that there was such friction between the political factions of the island that peace could be secured only through the exercise of force by the United States. Late in September, Secretary Taft issued a proclamation which placed Cuba temporarily under American control and an adequate force was landed. The action was favorably received by Cubans of all shades of opinion, and the island has since remained quiet under the provisional governorship of Charles E. Magoon. Many of the richer planters, and not a few citizens of this country, favor the annexation of Cuba to the United States; but the movement in this direction can scarcely as yet be said to be strong, and it is clear that hitherto the policy of the greater toward the weaker republic has been generous and unselfish, save in the matter of tariff reductions. (See §§ 687, 689.)

696. Race Troubles: Atlanta and Brownsville Riots.—During recent years, friction between whites and blacks seems to have been growing more intense, not only in the South, but in the North and West, and lynchings and riots have been disgracefully frequent, the latest instance of lawlessness on a large scale having occurred at Springfield, Illinois, in August, 1908. There has also been much race friction between Americans and Japanese on the Pacific Coast. In Georgia and in Texas, two particularly regrettable outbursts occurred in 1906. In September, the usual occasion of such riots, combined with the bad effects of a violent political campaign, lashed many of the inhabitants of Atlanta into a fury, which spent itself on the negroes wherever they could be found, regardless of their innocence or criminality. Several persons were killed, and the militia had to be called out. Later, the better elements of the city, white and black, endeavored to develop kinder feelings between the races and greater respect for the law. The month before there had been a shooting affray at Brownsville, Texas, between negro soldiers stationed at the fort there and the inhabitants of the town. In answer to protests made to him, and on the failure of all his efforts to discover the guilty soldiers, President Roosevelt, in November, ordered that the entire body of negro troops involved in suspicion should be dismissed from the service in disgrace. This action was both applauded and condemned. It led to inconclusive investigations and to much discontent among the negroes and their friends.

697. Elections of 1906.—The election in November resulted in a victory for the Republicans, but their majority in Congress was materially reduced. Several State elections attracted attention, but public interest was mainly centered upon the contest for the governorship of New York between the Republican candidate, Mr. Charles E. Hughes, who had won a national reputation by his skillful conduct of the investigation of the great insurance companies (see § 692), and the Democratic candidate, Mr. W. R. Hearst, who had been a competitor of Judge Parker’s for the Presidential nomination (see § 691), and had so nearly defeated Mr. McClellan for the mayoralty of New York City (see § 692). Mr. Hearst was also the candidate of the Independence League, which was generally understood to be a party mainly controlled by him. His securing the Democratic nomination alienated many Democrats, and led to his defeat, but that the election was a personal triumph for Mr. Hughes was shown by the election of the Democratic State ticket to all the offices except the governorship. Mr. Hearst subsequently withdrew from the Democratic party and carried the Independence League into national politics.

698. The Panic of 1907.—Although numerous matters, foreign and domestic,^[316] made the twelvemonth that followed the elections of 1906 interesting to the contemporary observer of public affairs, it seems clear that to the future student one event of the year will overshadow all others—the financial crisis of the autumn. It began in October with the failure of a New York trust company, and for some weeks the stringency of the money market was acute, particularly in the business centers of the East. Many private fortunes, especially of those engaged in any form of speculation, were impaired, and industry was greatly checked, with the result that thousands of men were thrown out of employment and that immigration from Europe showed a decided falling off. In some quarters there was a disposition to attribute the panic to the President’s policy of subjecting the methods of the railroads and trusts to strict examination, and of insisting that they should comply in every respect with the statutes which had been enacted to control their activities; but more impartial students regarded the catastrophe as the natural consequence of the strain to which capital had been subjected for some years during a period of speculation and industrial inflation. Credit had been strained in America and abroad, and defects in the system of currency had created among business men a feeling of insecurity and uncertainty which was probably more accentuated by the talk than by the actions of the Executive. His speeches, perhaps, had something to do with occasioning the crisis, but it was an inevitable event and, on the whole, a salutary one. It taught the public that no country, however rich and energetic, can defy with impunity the principles of honest and conservative financiering, that all sections and nations are so closely bound that one cannot suffer without affecting the rest, and that the part an administration can take, whether in precipitating or in alleviating such a crisis, is unimportant in comparison with the actions of financiers, investors, and business men in the aggregate.

699. Events and Legislation of 1908.—One of the most spectacular events of the year was the cruise of the Atlantic fleet in the Pacific Ocean. The voyage was made via Cape Horn, and the fleet was received with great enthusiasm, not only by the people of the Pacific Coast, but also in New Zealand, Australia, and Japan. As a display of naval power and efficiency, the cruise was a success, and its political effects seem to have justified its inception, especially as the welcome given our sailors in Japan did much to show that there was no immediate cause for friction with that country. Less spectacular, but not less important, was the ratification of numerous arbitration treaties, including one with Japan, and of eleven Hague conventions relating to the conduct of war. A conference of the governors of the States met at Washington in May, on the call of President Roosevelt, and discussed the best methods of conserving the natural resources, the forests and waterways of the country. It was generally regarded as a forward step, and it led to the appointment of a national commission charged with this important matter. There was a remarkable wave of activity among the advocates of legislation against the sale of intoxicating liquors, leading, especially in the South, to the adoption of prohibition and local option laws. The first session of the Sixtieth Congress passed laws in the interest of government employees injured in the performance of duty, and similar measures, and, finally, after much debate and filibustering, a compromise Currency Bill, known as the Vreeland-Aldrich Bill. One of the provisions of this was the establishment of a commission of senators and representatives to consider the monetary system and the banking laws of the country. The Ways and Means Committee of the House was authorized to hold recess sittings and to hear testimony with regard to the need of revising the tariff. Late in the year, Mr. Andrew Carnegie, the famous millionaire steel manufacturer, created a sensation by declaring before the committee his belief that the industry in which he was an expert needed no protection whatsoever.

William H. Taft.